Miral Al Ashry1* and Majid Numan Alkhudari2
1Political Mass Media, Future University (FUE), Cairo, Egypt
Received date: Janaury 10, 2019; Accepted date: February 07, 2019; Published date: February 14, 2019
Citation: Ashry MA, Alkhudari MN. The Credibility of the Political News Issues: A Comparative Study between Egyptian and Tunisian Audience. Global Media Journal 2019, 17:32.
Tunisia; Egypt; Revolution; Information Credibility; Credibility assessment
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The main topic of the study about the credibility of political news issues on the social networking sites as from the point of view of the social networking sites users in The Egyptian and Tunisian societies. The study compares each case in terms of political and social issues, especially in the period after the second intermediate period, for example, changing the constitution, demonstrations, and protests and monitoring.
The sample of the study a survey research was conducted over a sample Egyptian and Tunisian audience of 300divided into 150 Egyptians and 150 Tunisians. Research questions were stated as follows: - What are the reasons that push the Egyptian and Tunisian audiences to use the social networking sites as a source of news?
The results of the study show us that there is no credibility to the news on the internet due to the absence of laws which govern the information available more often among Egyptian society more than Tunisian society.
In just the last eight years, the Internet has become integrated into our lives as an important for the tool of information and communication and this is the reason the dawn of the revolution was one of the main reasons for the protests.
The plethora of political information in the Middle East available online, seekers raises issues regarding the credibility or quality of information found online.
Credibility in this context refers to the believability of some information and/or its source. A long history of research in the Arab countries finds that credibility is a multifaceted concept with two primary dimensions: Expertise and trustworthiness. If analyzed, we find that there is no public confidence in the content on the news sites and the secondary factors affect credibility perceptions as well, including source attractiveness and dynamism , the overarching view is that credibility is the believability of a source or message, which is made up of two primary dimensions: trustworthiness and expertise. Some secondary dimensions include source dynamism (charisma) and physical attractiveness, for example.
Moreover, the two primary dimensions (trustworthiness and expertise) have both objective and subjective components. That is, trustworthiness is a receiver judgment based primarily on subjective factors. Expertise can be similarly subjectively perceived but includes relatively objective characteristics of the source or message as well (e.g., source credentials or information quality).
This study shows the comparison between the Egyptian and Tunisian audiences according to:
How the Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions demonstrate social media and networking sites’ impact on democratic processes and outcomes. The increasing speed of news cycles and the explosion of social media have served to enhance this effect. Increasingly, the balance of power is shifting in favor of citizens. Underpinning this shift is people’s ability to communicate with large audiences at minimal cost, interact directly with decision-makers, build social movements both rapidly and globally, inform and shape news agendas through social media and social networks.
Online news credibility
Audience cans seeking the information from the social media for various purposes especially for news, inform, learning, and knowledge. But in the Middle East all the information is not credible because the regimes uses social networking sites to promote credibility and practice corruption.
They used journalism to publish not credible information to confuse the audience, but the audience must filter out not credible information and retain only that which is useful and believable. We can say credibility is one of the criteria using to filter unbelievable information  this is mean defines as “judgments made by a perceiver a message recipient concerning the believability of a communicator”  this is should include media institutions in the Middle East countries to defines about the messages as well as persons as communicators . In the ancient Greeks said credibility are the oldest lines in communication research originating  the scholars from Arab countries [6-11]. reminded that the investigation of the political issued perceived credibility and components of audience attitudes have begun as new mass communication technologies have appeared, and they divided credibility to three separate concepts firstly the source credibility, secondly the message credibility and the third media credibility there exists no scale that exclusively measures message credibility especially in Egypt and Tunisia
Political news sources are a critical element in the practice of journalism as it shapes, the journalists get their information from the government and the regimes used to send them information to make a propaganda for examples in the Arab spring revolutions, they used not credible information to make the protests in all of the Middle East [12,13]. There are a relationship between journalists and their sources sits at the heart of journalism studies. Sourcing involves making decisions on who is included or excluded as an actor in the media, the sources cited in the media do more than denote events and issues, they ascribe meaning to events, shaping public perception and understanding .
The journalists regard mainstream media organizations’ websites shows the perceived credibility of these two types of news websites varies with journalists’ beliefs about journalism. While party journalism remains a dominant lens through which Egyptian and Tunisian journalists evaluate the two types of websites, the sites of political portals are viewed by some to be embodying an alternative new model of journalism . The roles of political source credibility and others comments in audiences evaluations of online news was examined by experimentally manipulating the source of online news stories and others’ comments on them.
That source credibility did not produce significant effects on participants’ online news evaluations directly. However, the slant of comments significantly affected participants’ perception of news acceptance among public audiences, and such perceived public audiences’ news acceptance in turn had significant effects on participants’ own news evaluations, indicating that others’ comments had an indirect effect on audiences’ evaluations of online news through perception of public audiences’ news acceptance. These results suggest that people tend to use others’ comments on online news messages as a representative cue for their estimation of the general public’s news acceptance, which affects their own evaluations of the messages.
To address this gap, the current study constructs and validates a new scale. Results from a confirmatory factor analysis suggest that message credibility, specifically in the context of news, can be measured by asking participants to rate how well three adjectives describe content accurate, authentic, and believable. Validity and reliability tests are reported, and contributions to credibility research are discussed usually credible information is referred to as believable information .
The scholar mention the Arab Spring have been populated with two kinds of media scholarship while one acknowledges the role of social media in popular uprisings, the other argues that their role has been overblown and how social media and the mainstream news media have interacted in providing the coverage of Tunisian uprising is outlined . The political news influential news sources rely on a developing distributed media scape to provide information, they also influenced distributed media in return.
This study presents measures of the credibility of what is being offered in the social networking sites from news, on a sample of users of social networking sites in the Egyptian and Tunisian societies and compares both in terms of political and social issues, especially after the Second Intermediate Period where they have Similar Political conditions especially at that time. According to Participation in Changing the Constitution, Demonstrations, Protests and Monitoring of the most important political issues.
• Identify the exposure of Tunisian and Egyptian audience to news on the social networking sites.
• Identify the extent of the Tunisian and Egyptian audience users of the news sites awareness of the concept of credibility.
• Identify the extent of Tunisian and Egyptian Audience users of the news sites awareness of the concept of credibility and its constituent elements.
• The Tunisian and Egyptian audience's adoption brief on the content on news sites, and to identify any areas over adoption.
• Identify the most important issues of concern to the attention of the Egyptian and Tunisian audience, in the news sites.
The research question seeking for:
• The reasons of Egyptian and Tunisian audience using the social networking sites as a source of news?
• The awareness of constituent elements of the credibility of the media across social networking sites?
• The political issues on the sites.
• Did the online sites transferring no credibility information?
• The most important common issues between the Egyptian and Tunisian societies after the revolution and the credibility of the audience through the news social media sites?
This study comparing the Tunisian and Egyptian audience the analyzed data came from a survey of a random Internet users sample of 300 Egyptian and Tunisian audiences, divided into 150 Egyptian audiences and 150 Tunisian audiences, conducted in the autumn of 2016, during the period of April 2016 to August 2016. The target population was all Egyptian and Tunisian. The respondents returned the completed questionnaires to us a few days later.
The Views of Tunisian and Egyptian Audiences about the reasons that push the Egyptian and Tunisian audience using the social networking sites as a source of news (Table 1).
Table 1: The most important sites.
|Themost important sites||TunisianAudience||EgyptianAudience|
The most important sites are Foreign Newspapers by Egyptian audience with 53.3% and Tunisian audience is 36.6%, the second ranking is Arab newspapers in the Tunisian audience with percentage 30% such as al-Chourouk, as-Sabah, as-Sabah, es-Sahafa, Attounissia, al-Maghreb and al-Khabir but the Egyptian audience percentage is 28.6% including al-Ahram, al-Dustour, al-Gomhuria, al-Masri al- Youm, al-Messa, al-Shorouk, al-Wafd and Watani.
The last percentage with Al-Jazeera by Tunisian audience with 14.6% and 8% by Egyptian audience. Then concerning media and legal efforts made to obtain information and make it available to the audience. The relative weight is 84.9%, but the medium percentage is not to change reality for the better circulation of information the relative weight 75.2% and at the lowest percentage governments tolerated with who gets information from non-formal methods at 47.9%.
Second: The Views of the Tunisian audience and the Egyptian audience about the extent of Egyptian and Tunisian youth awareness constituent elements of the credibility of the media across social networking sites (Table 2).
Table 2: The prefer reading newspapers online.
|preferreading newspapers online||TunisianAudience||EgyptianAudience|
|Because it is free||83||55.3||98||65.3|
|Because its allows me to read in various places, whether at homeor at work||24||16||26||17.3|
|its ease for the audience to know the news||44||29.3||26||17.3|
65.3% with why do you prefer reading newspapers online it is free the relative weight 65.3% with Egyptian audience compared with the Tunisian audience is 55.3% but the medium percentage is its ease for the audience to know the news the Tunisian audience 29.3% and Egyptian audience is 17.3%, but the lowest rate because its allows me to read in various places, whether at home or at work the percentage in the Tunisian audience is 16% and the Egyptian audience 17.3%.
Table 3 illustrates the first percentage of the Tunisian audience at 28.6% and Egyptian audience 22.6% it’s about to know the most important news percentage, the medium Percentage about knowing the official view toward events in the Tunisian audience by 26.6% and 22% with Egyptian audience, the lowest percentage with includes specialized topics which interest them such as sports, art politics and accidents in the Tunisian audience with 6.6% and 4% by Egyptian audience.
Table 3: The Reasons that you Interest to read online newspapers.
|Toread online newspapers||TunisianAudience||EgyptianAudience|
|To know the most important news||43||28.6||34||22.6|
|To published the news agencies and government departments||22||14.6||21||14|
|To know the official view toward events||40||26.6||33||22|
|To read the articles famous journalists||10||6.6||41||27.3|
|The newspapers availability in my work||13||8.6||10||6.6|
|It offers newspapers versatile and arguably the best in dealing withaffairs and events||12||8||5||3.3|
|Because its include specialized topics interest them such assports, art, politics and accidents||10||6.6||6||4|
With the sudden explosion of digital media content and access devices in the Middle East, there is now more political information available to people from more sources. People now have ready access to almost inconceivably vast information repositories that are increasingly portable, accessible, and interactive in both delivery and formation. Indeed, recent evidence indicates that 45 percent of users in the United States say that the Internet played a crucial or important role in at least one major decision in their lives in the last two years, such as attaining additional career training, helping themselves or someone else with a major illness or medical condition, or making a major investment or financial decision.1 Enhanced connectivity and information availability have changed not only what people know, but how they know what they know. However, the wide-scale access and multiplicity of sources that ensure vast information availability also make assessing the credibility of information extremely complex. The origin of information, its quality, and its veracity are now in many cases less clear than ever before, resulting in an unparalleled burden on individuals to locate appropriate information and assess its meaning and relevance accurately. Doing so is highly consequential: assessing credibility inaccurately can have serious social, personal, educational, relational, health, and financial consequences. As a result, determining trust, believability, and information bias-key elements of credibility-become critical as individuals process the information in their lives gleaned from digital media (Table 4) .
Table 4: The especially topic you prefer when you read the online newspapers.
|First I read the important news on the front page||42||28||55||36.6|
|Read the last page first||33||22||22||14.6|
|Reading the sports and politics topics||12||8||30||20|
|Reading the soft news||33||22||11||7.3|
The special topic they prefer the important news on the front page with 36.6% by Egyptian audience and 28%, by Tunisian audience the an equal percentage between the reading the last page first and reading the soft news the percentage in the Tunisian audience is 22% and the Egyptian audience is 14.6% and 7.3%. Everyday people encounter more information than they can possibly use. Friends, colleagues, books, newspapers, television, and Web sites are just a few of the resources and media contributing to the flow of information.
But all information is not necessarily of equal value. In many cases, certain information appears to be better, or more trustworthy, than other information. The challenge that most people then face is to judge which information is more credible.
The kind of sites that the Egyptian and Tunisian audience prefer to republish their news out (Table 5). The previous table demonstrates the reasons for the audience to adopt the news sites as a source of news. The first level is credibility information which for the Tunisian audience was 23.3% and Egyptian audience is 6.6%. The second is discuss important issues in the community freely for the Tunisian audience by20% and Egyptian audience 13.3%, the third level give us an idea of what is happening in the world here 14% by Tunisian audience stands at and 27.3% by Egyptian audience. Finally, the least percentage coverage events with 2% by Tunisian audience and with the Egyptian audience. Credibility assessments should not be up to users because they are unlikely to exert the effort it takes to verify the credibility of Internetbased information. This suggests that energy may be better spent developing tools or systems that are designed to assess credibility for users, and then training users how to use those tools and systems. Several possibilities exist, some of which are described next (for a description of these and other possibilities, along with a discussion of the problems and challenges associated.
Table 5: The reasons for the audiences to adopt the news sites as a source of news.
|Reasonsfor the audience to adopt the news||TunisianAudience||EgyptianAudience|
|The Credibility information||35||23.3||10||6.6|
|Discuss important issues in the community freely||30||20||20||13.3|
|Offers the news do not exist in other media||20||13.3||30||20|
|Give us an idea of what is happening in the world.||21||14||41||27.3|
|News content is Credible and Confidence||10||6.6||20||13.3|
|It's quick in the transfer news.||10||6.6||11||7.3|
|Express my opinion and the opinion of the entire community||21||14||7||4.6|
The kind of sites that the Egyptian and Tunisian audience prefer to republish their news out (Table 6). The table shows the kind of sites that both the Egyptian and Tunisian audience prefer to republish their news out the first percentage is Facebook for the Tunisian audience is 54% and 23.3% by Egyptian audience. The second percentage is Twitter for the Tunisian audience 38% and 14.6% with Egyptian audience; the lowest percentage is YouTube by 10.6% for the Tunisian audience and 30.6% with Egyptian audience.
Table 6: The kind of sites.
|The kind of sites||Tunisian Audience||Egyptian Audience||Ka2||Significance|
|#||%||#||%||35||Function at the level of significance (0.01)|
Sharan Grewal  confirms that with over 800 million active users, Facebook is changing the way hundreds of millions of people relate to one another and share information. A rapidly growing body of research has accompanied the meteoric rise of Facebook as social scientists assess the impact of Facebook on social life. In addition, researchers have recognized the utility of Facebook as a novel tool to observe behavior in a naturalistic setting, test hypotheses, and recruit participants. The credibility of social networking sites in transferring information.
Table 7 illustrates the first percentage which was 34%for the Tunisian audience compared with Egyptian audience 31.3% it’s about the documents. The second percentage was 25.3% for the Tunisian audience 23.3% by Egyptian audience 23.3% about writing news Source the percentage is 10% Tunisian audience and 23.3% with Egyptian audience (Table 8).
Table 7: The extent of audience awareness containing elements affecting the audience to believe the content of the news sites.
|Theextent of audience awareness||TunisianAudience||EgyptianAudience|
|Numbers and statistics||20||13.3||44||29.3|
|Writing news Source||38||25.3||35||23.3|
|If there is more than one link to the same news||15||10||14||9.3|
Table 8: The most important common issues.
|Themost important issues||TunisianAudience||EgyptianAudience|
The previous table proves about the most important issues the first level is “Constitutional Rebirth” 37.3% for Tunisian audience compared with Egyptian audience 29.3%. In both countries, the collapsing regime made some effort to cling to the constitutional text but ultimately constitutional life was partially suspended for an interregnum. In Tunisia, the old constitution remains theoretically in force (though a series of decrees makes clear that critical parts are inoperative and those decrees have in a sense formed a new, transitional constitutional order). An acting president serves, but that president rules by decree and critical structures (most notably the parliament) have been shunted aside. A new ad hoc inclusive body has emerged, the “Supreme Organization to Realize the Goals of the Revolution, Political Reform and Democratic Transition” (SORGR) to guide the transition process. That body has designed a transition process that begins with elections to a constituent assembly, but most other details about the process remain vague. In Egypt, by contrast, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), a preexisting body that was formerly chaired by the president, has overseen the process. It has consistently rebuffed calls to establish any formal consultative body; instead, the SCAF has ruled by decree but also issued a constitutional declarationwith an impromptu and confusing mixture of its own authority and popular referendum-to guide the transition process. And in both countries, various political forces have emerged in the newly liberalized atmosphere, but there are no clear structures yet for them to press their programs other than demonstrations and public debate. Only when elections are held will their actual popular support become clear, and only when a new constitution is written will the rules for political life become clear. In the meantime, the political atmosphere in both countries is not only lively but also increasingly polarized as the initial wave of revolutionary consensus has given way to a degree of partisan politics.
We can see both countries also face some common issues and debates: over the sequence of elections and constitution writing, the level of public participation and inclusiveness, the best guarantees of fair and effective electoral administration, the demands of providing security while undertaking security reform, and transitional justice.
The secondly “Economic turmoil” 28.6% for the Tunisian audience compared with the Egyptian audience 10.6%, This shows the countries may run into trouble if they are unable to meet the desired goals either because the goals are too ambitious or because of decline in state resources. It happened after the revolution fall in revenues; failure to adjust revenue with inflation and growing population; excess borrowing by state; corruption draining funds for constructive purposes; change in prices of key commodities affecting economic growth and state revenues, Tunisia and Egypt had grave socioeconomic problems that contributed towards revolution .
Thirdly the “political upheaval” 24% Egyptian audience compared with the Tunisian audience with percentage 21.3%. This refers to after 2011 dramatic national uprisings, Tunisia and Egypt each embarked on a process of reconstructing their political systems. Tunisia and Egypt have distinctive political features, and the paths they have followed have not been identical. However, there are still some striking common elements in the transition process for both countries: the basic political structures of each state have remained intact despite political upheaval; the transition process is fairly rapid; the political scene is rapidly becoming populated with a wide variety of political forces; those forces have gravitated.
Between a consensual approach and sharp competition; a political gulf between Islamist and non-Islamist forces has emerged; and the process for all its problems and occasional bouts of violence, has remained relatively peaceful.
Fourthly about Political Salafism for which the Egyptian audience percentage is 27.3% compared with the Tunisian audience percentage of 14.6%. This refers to the fact that while they adopt a conservative religious ideology, Salafi parties are typically peaceful. They accept democratic mechanisms as a means to achieve their aims. In both Egypt and Tunisia, the decline of this approach has impacted the viability of Salafi parties.
In Egypt, some of the problems Salafi parties face is rooted in the political failings of the Muslim Brotherhood. The Brotherhood, which came to power in 2012, took a peaceful and gradual approach to governing. The victory of the Muslim Brotherhood’s candidate, Morsi, in the presidential election in June 2012 represented a victory for its peaceful tack over the Salafi-jihadi one. However, the ouster of Morsi was the military in July 2013.
The Nour Party only began to face major challenges from the Salafijihadi movement in the last couple of years. After it supported the military intervention against the Muslim Brotherhood in July 2013, some of its sympathizers began to criticize it for giving up on the Islamic project. This tension increased in October 2015 with the assassination of a Nour parliamentary candidate in North Sinai by Salafi-jihadi militants.
The Tunisian Reform Front Party faces a similar challenge. The Islamic political party Ennahdha led the Tunisian government after it won the country’s first election following the uprising in October 2011. However, it left power after it came second in the parliamentary election held in October 2014. Although it was not excluded from power by force, as was the case with the leading Islamic party in Egypt, segments of the Islamic youth see the experience of Ennahdha as a failure with respect to building an Islamic state.
At the end the “democratic experiment” Egyptian audience percentage was 8.6% and 4% with Tunisian audience. This refers to the contrast between the Egyptian and Tunisian transitions which has been the foundation for a remarkable number of comparative analyses. The yawning divide in the outcomes makes such comparison inevitable: Egypt’s democratic experiment ended in a military takeover and extreme state violence; Tunisia’s produced a consensual constitution and a second peaceful transition of power. Although the consolidation of Tunisia’s democracy is by no means assured, its progress thus far raises the question: Why has Tunisia’s transition to democracy been more successful than Egypt’s?
Other analysts highlight socioeconomic differences, arguing that Tunisians are more educated, secular and wealthier than Egyptians, all common correlates of democratic attitudes. But again, the evidence suggests that disillusionment with democracy was just as deep in both countries. Arab Barometer data reveal that by 2013, majorities in both countries no longer thought that democracy was suitable for their country .
We can see the freedom the regimes in Tunisia and in Egypt successfully instilled fear amongst the public. The regime was considered vital for holding the society and nation together; and in absence of regime the society would fall to sectarianism and communal strife. Also the regimes made sure that each citizen was under surveillance and any word uttered against the regime could reach them. Thus, citizens avoided talking about regime to each other and remained aloof. Lastly, the regimes portrayed themselves as indispensable against the Zionist and Western threat. Allegedly, the Arab identity and honor were at stake and needed a strong repressive government for their defense. These fears deeply entrenched in citizens provided the much needed mechanism of repression to the regimes (Table 9) .
Table 9: The evaluations of media credibility.
|Evaluationsof Media Credibility||TunisianAudience||EgyptianAudience|
|The traditional serious news media have high levels ofcredibility||20||13.3||39||26|
|The news websites of the traditional serious news media havehigh levels of credibility||9||6||38||25|
|The news websites of online companies which publish informationabout politics topics have high levels of credibility||56||37.3||44||29.3|
|The news websites of online companies which||43||28.6||19||12.6|
|Publish information about economy topics||22||14.6||10||6.6|
The news websites of online companies which publish information about politics topics have highest levels of credibility. 37.3% for Tunisian audience compared with Egyptian audience, the second percentage is the news websites of online with 28.6%. The final Percentage is the news websites of the traditional serious news media have high levels of credibility Tunisian audience with 6% and 25% Egyptian audience. According to the results, the Internet media are evaluated as more credible by those respondents who use the Internet more often throughout the course of a day and by those who work in the online news media. However, the respondents who have fewer daily experiences with the Internet and who work in the traditional news media evaluated the traditional news media as being more credible.
In this way, our question confirmed: journalists working for the traditional news media rate online news sites of established traditional media organizations are viewed as being more credible than news sites of online news companies (Table 10).
Table 10: The reasons for rating particular traditional newspaper credible more than social media news.
The majority of the respondents wrote that they rated the traditional newspaper as more credible, 57.3% with Tunisian audience 63.3% with Egyptian audience, because of their longer tradition during which they had earned a reputation of credibility and quality some of them referred to the traditional news media’s “good name” which they had achieved during years of practicing journalism.
Several respondents attributed the media’s reputation to personalities who work in particular media, stating that credibility is linked to “good”, “experienced”, “acknowledged”, “distinguished” reporters and editors. They chose the traditional newspaper because they employ reporters and editors whom they trust.
Moreover the key reason for rating the traditional newspaper as more credible is their quality news supply. Most respondents said that the traditional news media are more credible because they offer more “serious”, “public affairs” topics, while the social media news offer more sensational news. They defined topics such as politics, economy, social affairs, and ecology as “public affairs” and listed entertainment, and especially lifestyle and sexual advice as sensational news. Finally rating the traditional news media as more credible was journalists’ education and experiences (Table 11).
Table 11: The evaluations of news media credibility according to daily use of the internet.
|Evaluationsof News Media Credibility||TunisianAudience||EgyptianAudience|
|At any time||60.6||91||56||84|
According to the results, the first level was at any time for the Tunisian audience with percentage 60.6% compared with the Egyptian audience 56%. The second level is daily for the Egyptian audience the percentage is 30.6% compared with the Tunisian audience percentage of 24%. The final level is Monthly for the Tunisian audience the percentage is 3.3% compared with the Egyptian audience percentage of 6%. This refers to the news sites which are evaluated as more credible by those respondents who use the news sites more often throughout the course of a day and by those who work in the online news media.
The relationship between the political new and distributed media during the Tunisian and Egyptian revolution is one of remediation and interdependence. New media have become a tool for individuals participating in or observing events to alert others about what is going on.
The role of media, especially networked digital technologies, in the wave of protests across the Middle East has provoked much debate. Has noted that media and communication are inextricably infused with the Arab Spring, while talked about “a new system of online newspapers built like a mix between an interactive online television, internet, online radio and mobile communication system. The communication of the future has already been used by the revolutions of the present.
The results of the study show that there is no credibility to the news on the internet due to the absence of laws governing information and so on in both the Tunisian and Egyptian societies particularly regarding the most important issues such as constitutional rebirth, political Salafism, economic turmoil, and democratic experiment.
These issues are demonstrated to be more influential to the audience differences between the Tunisian and Egyptian audiences, the first issue about the constitutions rebirth is shown at the most interesting to the Tunisian audience whereas the most interesting to the Egyptian audience, is the economic turmoil issue. The Egyptian audience is demonstrated as finding more interesting than Tunisian audience the lack of credibility. There are also differences in how the Western and Middle Eastern sources interpreted the information they had from the Middle East Media Educator. According to the latest statistics, more than 56 million Arabs are regular cybernauts, and the number is rapidly increasing. Despite efforts by most Arab regimes to censor and control the internet, tech-savvy youths who represent up to 50% of the region’s population are capable of making future revolutions.
The Arab media professionals cannot underestimate the role played by the internet in informing and galvanizing Arab populations; the unprecedented freedom of information available in cyberspace has helped fuel and channel resentment.
It is important here to note the limitations of our study. We have focused on how to develop scarcity of Arab studies in the field of secured credibility, as well as the credibility of the social sites, they should implement laws to protect the information online. Governments and the media should be the main source of the political news. The social networking sites should focus on the credibility of the content.
Thus the study of factors affecting the credibility of the political news to the public is of paramount importance at the present time, especially in light of the intense competition between the various media and credibility.